With the current decision of the Obama Administration’s Department of Justice regarding the charges being dropped against the New Black Panther Party because, according to whistleblower J. Christian Adams there was a policy handed down by an Obama admin political appointee that there would be no prosecution of voter intimidation in any cases where black individuals or groups are intimidating white voters. J. Christian Adams quit his job because he could not accept this miscarriage of justice based on any skin color. With such charges against the Obama Administration we must take another look at Obama and his own words in order to determine his stance on racial issues and other policies.
First lets go back to his books and take a look. I include the quotes in entirety to avoid being accused of “Cherry Picking”
Dreams of My Father: Introduction: (p. xv)
When people who don’t know me well, black or white, discover my background (and it is usually a discovery, for I ceased to advertise my mother’s race at the age of twelve or thirteen, when I began to suspect that by doing so I was ingratiating myself to whites), I see the split-second adjustments they have to make, the searching of my eyes for some telltale sign. They no longer know who I am. Privately, they guess at my troubled heart, I suppose – the mixed blood, the divided soul, the ghostly image of the tragic mulatto trapped between two worlds. And if I were to explain that no, the tragedy is not mine, or at least not mine alone, it is yours, sons and daughters of Plymouth Rock and Ellis Island, it is yours, children of Africa, it is the tragedy of both my wife’s six-year-old cousin and his white first grade classmates, so that you need not guess at what troubles me, it’s on the nightly news for all to see, and that if we could acknowledge at least that much then the tragic cycle begins to break down…well, I suspect that I sound incurably naive, wedded to lost hopes, like those Communists who peddle their newspapers on the fringes of various college towns. Or worse, I sound like I’m trying to hide from myself.
This tells me he was ashamed to admit he was both white and black and was at war with himself. He resented the part of him that was white and how white kids and people treated him because it, and chose to hide it.
Dreams of My Father (Pgs 100-101)
She was a good looking woman, Joyce was with her green eyes and honey skin and pouty lips. We lived in the same dorm room my freshman year, and all the brothers were after her. One day I asked her if she was going to the Black Students’ Association meeting. She looked at me funny, then started shaking her head like a baby who doesn’t want what it sees on the spoon.(Article Continues Below Advertisement)
“I’m not black,” Joyce said. “I’m multiracial.” Then she started telling me about her father, who happened to be Italian and was the sweetest man in the world; and her mother, who happened to be part African and part French and part Native American and part something else. “Why should I have to choose between them?” she asked me. Her voice cracked, and I thought she was going to cry. “It’s not white people who are making me choose. Maybe it used to be that way, but now they’re willing to treat a person. No – it’s black people who always have to make everything racial. They’re the ones making me choose. They’re the ones telling me I can’t be who I am…”
They, they, they. That was the problem with people like Joyce. They talked about the richness of their multicultural heritage and it sounded real good, until you noticed that they avoided black people…
To avoid being mistaken for a sellout, I chose my friends carefully. The more politically active black students. The foreign students. The Chicanos. The Marxist professors and structural feminists and punk-rock performance poets. We smoked cigarettes and wore leather jackets. At night, in the dorms, we discussed neocolonialism, Franz Fanon, Eurocentrism, and patriarchy. When we ground out our cigarettes in the hallway carpet or set our stereos so loud that the walls began to shake, we were resisting bourgeois society’s stifling constraints. We weren’t indifferent or careless or insecure. We were alienated. But this strategy alone couldn’t provide the distance I wanted, from Joyce or my past. After all, there were thousands of so-called campus radicals, most of them white and tenured and happily tolerated. No, it remained necessary to prove which side you were on, to show your loyalty to the black masses, to strike out and name names.”
In the end he proved Joyce right, he made it about race and chose “loyalty to the black masses”. He admits “happily tolerating” whites but only those that fit his Communist goals.
Dreams of My Father (pgs. 141-142)
I had all but given up on organizing when I recieved a call from Marty Kaufman. He explained that he’d started an organizing drive in Chicago and was looking to hire a trainee. He’d be in New York the following week and suggested that we meet at a coffee shop on Lexington.
His appearance didn’t inspire much confidence. He was a white man of medium height wearing a rumple suit over a pudgy frame. His face was heavy with two-day-old whiskers; behind a pair of thick, wire-rimmed glasses, his eyes seemed set in a perpetual squint. As he rose from the booth to shake my hand, he spilled some tea on his shirt …
He ordered more hot water and told me about himself. He was Jewish, in his late thirties, had been reared in New york. He had started organizing in the sixties with the student protests, and ended up staying with it for fifteen years. Farmers in Nebraska. Blacks in Philadelphia. Mexicans in Chicago. Now he was trying to pull urban blacks and suburban whites together around a plan to save manufacturing jobs in metropolitan Chicago. He needed somebody to work with him, he said. Somebody black. …
He offered to start me off at ten thousand dollars the first year, with a two-thousand-dollar travel allowance to buy a car; the salary would go up if things worked out. After he was gone, I took the long way home, along the East River promenade, and tried to figure out what to make of the man. He was smart, I decided. He seemed committed to his work. Still, there was something about him that made me wary. A little too sure of himself, maybe. And white – he’d said himself that that was a problem.
The question becomes was Obama unsure of the man because he was white, or only because the man himself said it was part of the problem. Obviously the man has an impressive resume as far as Community Organizers go, which should outshine how Obama felt about the man’s appareance.
Here is a youtube compilation. Inside it are text from his books, coupled with Obama doing the voice over for his audio book. Most of it is quite shocking.
Describing his grandmother as a, “Typical white person”
In this 1995 audio interview Barack Obama not only exposes a racial bias and discuss Redistribution of Wealth/Economic Justice, but also shows his belief in “Collective Salvation” a tenet of Black Liberation Theology
A different view with add ins
Indepth into the Redistribution of Wealth interview
Here is a look into Black Liberation Theology
and a video compilation exposing that Obama lied to reporters about hearing hateful rhetoric within Rev Wrights church for 20 years
When you add this all up you can see a clear racial bias as well as an anti-wealth bias which explains why when asked, in an interview, if he had spoken directly to BP CEO Tony Hayward he responded with
“I have not spoken to him directly and here’s the reason. Because my experience is when you talk to a a guy like a BP CEO, he’s gonna say all the right things to me. I’m not interested in words, I’m interested in actions”
Is a BP CEO a “typical white person”? Or a “white executive living out in the suburbs that doesn’t want to pay taxes to inner city children”
Having gone through Obama in his own words, lets look at someone he chose to represent him in 2004 The Reverend James Meeks. Yet another radical preacher with hateful rhetoric comparable to Rev Wright.
Barack Obama indeed has a racial bias as well as a plans to implement Socialism in order to assure “Collective Salvation” and the Redistribution of Wealth in accordance with Black Liberation Theology.
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